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Tuesday, August 25, 2015
जटिल समयको मनोविज्ञानः हिंसा मात्र हैन, हामीभित्रको हिंस्रकता झन् खतरनाक
Tuesday, September 30, 2014
तत्कालीन चीन र सोभियत संघका शासन व्यवस्था साम्यवादी थिएनन् -प्रा. चैतन्य मिश्र
फ्रान्सेली क्रान्ति र बोल्शेभिक क्रान्तिदेखि नेपालको पहिचान र संघीयताको मूद्दासम्मको मिहीन विश्लेषण
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| प्रा. चैतन्य मिश्र |
विगत तीन दशकभन्दा बढी अवधिसम्म प्राध्यापनरत प्रा. चैतन्य मिश्रलाई नेपालको एउटा प्रखर समाजशास्त्री तथा अर्थशास्त्री र राजनैतिक विश्लेषकको रुपमा चिनिन्छ । हाल त्रि वि केन्द्रीय क्याम्पसको समाजास्त्र संकायमा प्राध्यापनरत मिश्रलाई उहाँको पुँजीवाद र नेपाल लगायतका पुस्तकहरु तथा विभिन्न विषयमा उहाँले गर्नुभएका शोधहरुले पनि चिनाउँछन् । पछिल्लो समयमा समाजशास्त्रका शोधमा ज्यादा समय बिताउने गर्नुभएका मिश्रको चाबहिल स्थित घरमै पुगेर लिइएको यो विस्तृत अन्तर्वार्तामा उहाँले विश्वका केही महत्वपुर्ण ऐतिहासिक परिघटनाहरु देखि लिएर नेपालको पहिचान र संघीयताको प्रसंगसम्म खुलेर आफ्नो धारणा राख्नुभएको छ ।
Tuesday, November 26, 2013
Polls invert Nepal's political landscape
Following a binge of adventurism and misgovernance over past six years, the erstwhile largest party of the ex-rebels in Nepal has suffered a humiliating setback in recent polls. Among its ramifications can be the delegitimization of their agenda in state restructuring. The challenges in front of the victorious 'centrist' parties are substantial but opportunities of drafting the new constitution through consensus are no less appealing.
Wednesday, September 11, 2013
Five reasons why Nepalis need not resent India
I have made a habit of avoiding writing on as many topics as possible. This is because, it is simply impossible practically to scribble on every topic of my interest as there are just too many of them. I would have never come up with this one despite recurrent urges to do so if one small eventuality had not taken place.
Around the time Nepal won a historic soccer match against India a week back in SAFF games, I had done a story on fallout of India's partition for Asia Times Online which was subsequently carried by Foreign Policy Journal also. Days after, fortunes had reversed as Nepal had crashed out of the tournament after losing to Afghanistan in semifinals while India had impressively reached the finals by beating the seemingly unbeatable team from Maldives. Coincidentally, the coverage of communal riots in and around Muzaffarnagar in India's Uttar Pradesh was getting priority in Indian media and I was surfing internet with about a dozen related news/analyses from Outlook to Tehelka, wondering whether I could do another serious story so soon.
Having seen the antipathy among Nepalis towards India during the Nepal-India match, one Indian friend of mine saw me fixated in Indian magazines and spoke some words that I cannot restate here for their extremely provocative nature. Then he/she added a sentence to this effect: you even have to read the magazines from India and you still oppose India!!
Well, it is absurd to think that the person represents an average Indian. So is the case with some Nepalis who harbor extreme anti-India sentiment and feel compelled to share their words in social media etc. I believe there is a very small proportion of people in either country who bear unnecessary grievance about their neighbors. But they appear to be everywhere because they choose to express their ill-worded prejudices more loudly through different mediums and are thus heard far more easily by others.
The foundation of irrational animosity and hatred towards the neighbors is a misperception of facts and a process of maladaptive thinking: those who are most insecure in their private lives and are in search of an excuse for their personal failure are the most arrogant and aggressive nationalists-- to say euphemistically-- and hence hateful to their neighbors.
#1. Why resent India? The 'Bully' factor
Of course, I cannot unduly generalize specificities and lump every Nepali who feels antagonized by India in same category, that is probably true for Indians who feel the same way about their neighbors including Pakistan. There are multiple causes for which Nepalis resent India. Foremost is a perception that India is a regional bully dictating the terms of developments in Nepali politics. The unnecessary servility of Nepali political leaders towards India does not help the cause: the more people hate their leaders, the more they feel animosity towards India for 'having made' leaders behave the way they do. As the transition period in Nepal stretches with one failure after another of the political parties, people are likely to increasingly see India's meddling not because they get more time to imagine so but because given the absurd impotency of Nepali leaders to sort their domestic issues out at home, India does have real influence among every significant leader in Nepal. Second most sensitive issue on the matter is the apparently 'expansionist' nature of India that happens to manifest as border incursions.
Among other prickly issues is the controversy about birthplace of Gautam Buddha. Every time it is implied in India, even subtly, that he was born there, an irresistible wave of animosity and hatred against India passes across Nepal. The other causes include the gaffes by celebrities who happen to blurt something even remotely derogatory of Nepal, etc.
The average perception among the India-hating Nepalis is this: while India is proudly marching with its impressive economic growth with glittering cities like Mumbai and Delhi and with marvelous airports like Indira Gandhi International airport in Delhi, it is deliberately leaving Nepal behind in the cold; with sluggish growth and little progress, its leaders bickering, industries collapsed, young people drained away and above all, even the birthplace of Buddha stolen through propaganda!
Please note that these are not my views and I may not perfectly capture the essence of anti-India sentiment in Nepal in these words but they represent a large part of reality. Here is how I see the whole issue.
First let me debunk the first myth about India: Nepal is left far behind India in development as India gloriously marches to 'hyperpower' status while Nepal is pushed towards insignificance in world stage by myopia of leaders.
While not baseless, this conclusion is derived from partial reading of India's advance. India may be the world's leading arms importer, only one among 6 world powers having made their own aircraft carrier and, of course, one among the handful of countries to have a substantial nuclear arsenal. Nepal has neither of these but please note that India is also the country where live the largest number of world' poor, a highest proportion of people with preventable/treatable conditions and diseases like blindness, tuberculosis and leprosy. It is said more than half of Indian households lack toilets. Travel to Lucknow and host of other cities in Northern India and you will see the number of people who pass their nights below the open sky in footpaths. Consider the fact that in states where the quacks outnumber the doctors and doctors compete with quacks for quackery, a swindle involving one health scheme of government amounts to a staggering IRS 86 billion, a staggering one fourth of Nepal's annual budget. In states where hunger and malnutrition strangle people if not straight away kill them, a decade long theft of food grains meant for the poor amounts to IRS 2 lakh crores, i. e. Nepal's annual budget of approximately 7 years.
My point is, while India is a big country with big pockets, that does not necessarily mean it is more effectively serving its people and 'India' does not mean only the grandiose politicians in Delhi and state capitals; nor is it limited to the ignorant segment of educated middle class who refuse to acknowledge the fate of the poor and the underprivileged in their own land for fear of 'smearing' India's international image.
#2.India is growing despite corruption but Nepal is not
Many well-informed people in Nepal know that India does have its share of corrupt politicians and corrupt practices are not unusual there. But they reiterate: still India is growing despite all that. The estimated per capita GDP of $1500 for India is 2.5 times higher than the value of $600 for Nepal for the year 2012 and this argument appears to be valid. Also, Nepal's tiny, sclerotic and regressing industrial sector is nowhere comparable to the industrial prowess of India where reside second highest number of billionaires from Asia.
On issue of corruption, whatever the efficacy and limitations, Nepal has an independent body named CIAA to checkmate the corrupt practices of the politicians and bureaucrats while India's attempt to install a similar body in the name of 'Lokpal' ended in a magnanimous fiasco last year. While representative data are hard to find, my personal speculation is that the extent of institutionalization of corrupt practices is far more in India.
Coming to growth part, knowledgeable people now increasingly believe that, the last 10 years of rapid economic growth was 'a corruption bubble' generated by a 'toxic mix of political corruption and crony capitalism' just to quote this New York Times article.
The message is, while India has indeed grown, it could have done it in far more sound way by enforcing accountability at every step. Now that every person from the PM Manmohan Singh down to the grassroots employee has colluded in an unsavory scheme that gave instantaneous dividends to themselves, the damage done is irreparable. From landscapes desertified by illegal mining to rivers poisoned by toxic chemicals, there is little India can now do to reverse the environmental degradation.
Not that Nepal has developed and utilized natural resources more wisely and accountably, the very fact that most of our resources remain unutilized may be the plus point in the long run.
Saturday, August 10, 2013
Pakeezah: the ultimate tale of love, desire, sensuality and despair in feudal India
Saturday, April 13, 2013
‘समावेशी, बहुजातीय र बहुभौगोलिक संघीयता नै नेपालका लागि उपयुक्त’ -प्रा. चैतन्य मिश्र
फ्रान्सेली क्रान्ति र बोल्शेभिक क्रान्तिदेखि नेपालको पहिचान र संघीयताको मूद्दासम्मको मिहीन विश्लेषण
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| प्रा. चैतन्य मिश्र |
विगत तीन दशकभन्दा बढी अवधिसम्म प्राध्यापनरत प्रा. चैतन्य मिश्रलाई नेपालको एउटा प्रखर समाजशास्त्री तथा अर्थशास्त्री र राजनैतिक विश्लेषकको रुपमा चिनिन्छ । हाल त्रि वि केन्द्रीय क्याम्पसको समाजास्त्र संकायमा प्राध्यापनरत मिश्रलाई उहाँको पुँजीवाद र नेपाल लगायतका पुस्तकहरु तथा विभिन्न विषयमा उहाँले गर्नुभएका शोधहरुले पनि चिनाउँछन् । पछिल्लो समयमा समाजशास्त्रका शोधमा ज्यादा समय बिताउने गर्नुभएका मिश्रको चाबहिल स्थित घरमै पुगेर लिइएको यो विस्तृत अन्तर्वार्तामा उहाँले विश्वका केही महत्वपुर्ण ऐतिहासिक परिघटनाहरु देखि लिएर नेपालको पहिचान र संघीयताको प्रसंगसम्म खुलेर आफ्नो धारणा राख्नुभएको छ ।
Monday, May 21, 2012
नेपाली राष्ट्रियताः हिजो, आज र भोलि
पृष्ठभुमि
को नेपाली हो, को हैन ?; नेपालीमध्ये को कति नेपाली हो नेपाली भाषाले नेपालीपनलाई कति प्रतिनिधित्व गर्छ ?; के राष्ट्रियतालाई मानिस जन्मेको भुगोलले मात्र परिभाषित गर्छ ?; के राष्ट्रियतालाई सरल रुपमा परिभाषित गर्न सकिन्छ ?; के राष्ट्रियता देश, काल र परिस्थितिभन्दा निरपेक्ष हुन्छ ?; धेरैतिर चिन्ता जनाइएजस्तै के अहिले नेपाली राष्ट्रियतामाथि बज्रप्रहार भएकै हो त ?; कुनै समय यी प्रश्नले मानिसको त्यति ?; ध्यान तान्दैनथे तर अब त्यो अबस्था रहेन । वर्जित र महत्वहीन मानिएका अरु थुप्रै विषयहरुमा पनि अहिले जमेर बहस भइरहेको छ र तिनबाट हामी पछि हट्नुपर्ने कुनै कारण छैन ।
Thursday, May 10, 2012
राज्य पुनर्संरचना र पहिचानसहितको संघीयताबारे बहस -१
Tuesday, May 8, 2012
जातीयता र राज्य पुनर्संरचनाको ऐतिहासिक पृष्ठभुमि
आजको जातीयताको मुद्दाको पृष्टभुमि के हो ? के जातीयताले अशान्ति र मुठभेड निम्त्याउँछ? जातीयताविरोधी आन्दोलन किन फस्टाउँदो छ? यी सबै घटनाक्रमले राज्य पुनर्संरचनाको प्रक्रियालाई कसरी प्रभाव पार्छन्? छोटो सामयिक मन्थनः
राज्य पुनर्संरचना भनेको भौतिक सीमाहरुमात्र बदल्नु हैन । हिजोसम्मको संरचना पृथ्वीनारायण शाहले शुरु गरेको एकीकरण अभियानको परिष्कृत रुप थियोः त्यहाँ नेवारहरुको नाक मात्र काटिएन, मातृ भाषा बोल्नेहरुलाई जेलमा सडाइयो, थारुहरु बसेको जंगल ओगटेर फाँडेर बस्ती र खेत बनाएर तिनलाई हलिया बनाइयो, तामाङहरुलाई बँधुवा मजदुर राखेर दरबारहरु बनाइयो अनि तिनले प्रतिकार गर्दा तिनलाई खेदेर पहरातिर धकेलियो, अहिन्दुहरुलाई दशैं मानेको प्रमाण देखाउन दैलोमा खसीको सिङ झुण्ड्याउनै पर्ने नियम बनाइयो, प्रशासन र सेना पुलिसमा राणा, क्षेत्री र ठकुरीको निरपेक्ष पकड कायम राखियो, स्थानीय भाषामा प्रशासनिक काम गर्न खोज्नेलाई अदालतमार्फत् कोर्रा हानियो । भोलि हिजोको त्यो नेपाल रहनेछैन तर भोलिको नेपालमा जानुअघि ऐतिहासिक रुपमा भएका अन्यायहरुलाई सम्बोधन गर्नु भनेकै हिजो राज्यले विशेष ग्राह्यता दिइआएकाहरुले केही गुमाउनु हो, कतै थप्न कतै नघटाइ सम्भव छैन ।
मानिसहरु भन्छन्, नेताहरुको कुबुद्धि र भोट राजनीतिका कारण सब कुरा बिग्रंदैछ, तर भोलि कसैले चुनावमा राम्रो गर्छ भने त्यो आज क्षेत्रीबाहुनको आन्दोलनको आगोमा ध्यु थप्नेले गर्छ, त्यो स्पष्ट छ । माओवादीले हिजो आफ्नो आन्दोलन सफल पार्न पहिचानको मुद्दा उठायो तर भोलि त्यही कारणले भोलिको चुनावमा हार्छ पनि । तर इतिहासको लामो अवधिलाई हेर्दा दीर्घकालीन रुपमा शान्ति र सद्भाव कायम राख्ने हो भने हिजो अन्यायमा परेका समुदायहरुहरुलाई सम्भव भएजति न्याय दिनै पर्छ र त्यसका लागि यो संक्रमणकालभन्दा ठुलो अवसर आउने छैन । आज क्षेत्री बाहुन ठकुरीहरुले अन्यायमा पर्न लागेको जुन अनुभव गरेका छन्, हिजो शताब्दीयौंसम्म अरु समुदायले त्यो अनुभव गर्दै आएका हुन्, यो अवस्था न त नयाँ हो, न त यो वा त्यो पार्टीका कारण मात्र आएको हो । अहिले तीव्र हँुदै गरेको विवाद भनेको यो वा त्यो समुदायका बीच नभएर हिजो अन्यायमा परेकाहरुलाई न्याय दिंदा हिजो प्राथमिकता र विशेषाधिकार पाएकाहरुको सुविधा कटौती गर्न हुने कि नहुने भन्नेहरुबीच हो ।
संविधान सभामा माओवादी र अर्का पहिचानवादी क्षेत्रीय दलहरुको वर्चस्व भएका कारण यही संविधानसभाबाट आउने संविधानमा ती ऐतिहासिक मुद्दाहरुको छिनोफानो हुने सम्भावना बढी छ, त्यो कति सन्तुलित, न्यायप्रद र टिकाउ रुपमा आउँछ भन्न चाहिं गाह्रो छ । देशको सामाजिक र साँस्कृतिक धरातल अति जटिल भएको र धेरै अवस्थामा फरक प्रकृतिका मुद्दाहरुले एक अर्कालाई काट्ने अवस्थाको फाइदा उठाएर निकै मानिसहरु धमिलो पानीमा माछा मार्न हात धोएर लागेका छन् । तीमध्ये केही भन्छन्ः भोलि क्षेत्री बाहुन नेपालभित्रै शरणार्थी हुँदैछन् र त्यो अवस्था रोक्न हामी हँसिया, खुँडा, तरवार जे हुन्छ, त्यो लिएर भिड्नुपर्छ । अरु भन्छन्ः यो सब नेपाललाई विग्रह गरेर यसको नामोनिशान मेट्न चाहने विदेशी शक्तिको खेल हो ।
कुरा हो के भने, देशमा व्याप्त बग्रेल्ती समस्याको एक मात्र शाश्वत र निर्विकल्प समाधान देशलाई विशुद्ध जातीय आधारमा संघमा लैजानु हैन । तर एकतिर प्रचार गरिएझैं प्रस्तावित पुनर्संरचनाको एकमात्र आधार जात हैन भने अर्कोतिर त्यसको विकल्पमा काँगे्रसलगायतका पार्टीले ल्याएका प्रस्ताव झारा टार्ने र यो वा त्यो रुपमा हालका विकास क्षेत्रजस्ता प्रान्त कायम राख्ने अभिप्रायले ल्याइएका थिए । तिनीहरुले गम्भीरतापुर्वक गृहकार्य गरेर अरु मोडल प्रस्ताव गरेको भए फरक स्थिति हुन सक्थ्यो ।
जातीयताको मुद्दालाई काट्न वर्गीयताको मुद्दालाई अघि सार्ने मानिसहरुको पनि कमी छैन तर र्माक्स, लेनिन र माओको रामनामी जपेर कहिल्यै नथाक्ने नेपाली कम्युनिष्टहरुले जुटेर लड्न सकेका भए अहिले देशमा व्याप्त समस्याहरुको रुप यो हुने थिएन र यो रुपमा जातीयताको सवालै नउठ्न सक्थ्यो । सोभियत संघ र चीनमा साम्यवाद पराजित भइसकेपछि साम्यवादका लागि भनेर हतियार बोकेका नेपाली माओवादीहरुले छिटटै यो स्वीकार्न विवश भए कि मानिसहरुका लागि वर्गको मुद्दाभन्दा कम्तीमा पनि नेपालमा विद्यमान ऐतिहासिक अवस्थामा पहिचानको मुद्दाले बढी महत्व राख्छ । पहिचानमा आधारित थिचोमिचो अन्त गर्ने वाचा नगरेका भए उनीहरुको जंगलबाट दरबारसम्मको यात्रा सम्भव हुने थिएन । त्यो यात्राका दौरान भएका आन्दोलनहरु, सन्धि र सम्झौताहरु र संविधान सभाको चुनावका प्रक्रियाहरु पार हँुदै अहिलेको अवस्था आएको हो ।
देशमा शान्ति र अमन चयनको कुरा गर्ने हो भने राणाकाल भन्दा शान्त अवधि कुनै थिएन । राष्ट्रियता र अखण्डताकै कुरा गर्ने हो भने देशमा पञ्चायतमा झैं राष्ट्रवादको लहर कहिल्यै आएन । र बहुमतले जे गर्यो त्यो हुने अवस्था २०४६ पछि भन्दा परिपक्व कहिल्यै थिएन । तर समाजले तीमध्ये कुनै पनि व्यवस्थालाई पचाउन नसकेकैले हामी आजको अवस्थामा छौं । जातिवादकै कुरा गर्दा हिजो उत्पीडनमा परेका जातजाति र सम्प्रदायले जति जातीयताको मुद्दा उठाएर विद्वेषको स्थिति सिर्जना गरेका थिए, त्यसको कैयौं गुना बढी विद्वेष र साम्प्रदायिक उत्तेजना आज जातीयताको विरोध गर्ने नाममा फैलाइंदैछ ।
विजय कुमारको खुशी पढेपछि
जीवनमा अफ्ठ्यारा घुम्तीहरुमा हिंडिरहँदा मैले कुनै क्षणमा पलायनलाई एउटा विकल्पको रुपमा कल्पना गरेको थिएँ, त्यसलाई यथार्थमा बदल्ने आँट गरिनँ, त्यो बेग्लै कुरा हो । त्यसबेला लाग्थ्योः मेरा समग्र दुखहरुको कारण मेरो वरपरको वातावरण हो, यसबाट साहसपूर्वक बाहिरिएँ भने नयाँ दुख आउलान् तर तत्क्षणका दुरुह दुखहरु गायब भएर जानेछन् । कति गलत थिएँ म !
एमालेकरणको बहस
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Debating partition of India: culpability and consequences

Read the whole story here
Why I write...
I do not know why I often tend to view people rather grimly: they usually are not as benevolent, well-intentioned and capable or strong as they appear to be. This assumption is founded on my own self-assessment, though I don’t have a clue as to whether it is justifiable to generalize an observation made in one individual. This being the fact, my views of writers as ‘capable’ people are not that encouraging: I tend to see them as people who intend to create really great and world-changing writings but most of the times end up producing parochial pieces. Also, given the fact that the society where we grow and learn is full of dishonesty, treachery, deceit and above else, mundanity, it is rather unrealistic to expect an entirely reinvigorating work of writing from every other person who scribbles words in paper.
On life's challenges
Somebody has said: “I was born intelligent but education ruined me”. I was born a mere child, as everyone is, and grew up as an ordinary teenager eventually landing up in youth and then adulthood. The extent to which formal education helped me to learn about the world may be debatable but it definitely did not ruin me. There were, however, things that nearly ruined me. There came moments when I contemplated some difficult choices. And there came and passed periods when I underwent through an apparently everlasting spell of agony. There came bends in life from which it was very tempting to move straight ahead instead of following the zigzag course.

