New on the blog

Please find the commentary section on the right top of the blog where I'll regularly post brief comments on contemporary affairs: personal, social, national and international. Now it'll appear on mobile site also!!

Thursday, September 22, 2016

प्रचण्ड-लोकमान साँठगाँठः जीवनदान कि 'सुसाइड गोल'-नागरिकको प्रश्न













Monday, September 19, 2016

भेटिएको फाइल र लोकमानको क्यानाडा यात्राबारे के भन्छन् नागरिकहरु?

Earlier:

संघर्ष लोकमानसंग, दाउमा सन्ततिको भविष्य!










संघर्ष लोकमानसंग, दाउमा सन्ततिको भविष्य

संघर्ष लोकमानसंग, दाउमा सन्ततिको भविष्य!
हाम्रोजस्तै लडाइँमा होमिएका धेरै देशका नागरिकहरुभन्दा हामी यसकारण भाग्यमानी

मे महिनामा फिलिपिन्सको राष्ट्रपतिमा रोड्रिगो दुतेर्ते निर्वाचित भएपछि यही सेप्टेम्बर ५ सम्म २४०० भन्दा बढी अर्थात् दैनिक ३७ जनाको हाराहारीमा फिलिपिनी नागरिकहरु कथित लागू पदार्थ विरोधी अभियानका कारण मारिइरहेका छन् । इजिप्टमा देशको अखण्डता नै गुम्ने गरी साउदी अरेबियालाई तिरान र सानाफिर नामक दुई इजिप्टेली टापूहरु दिने सिसी सरकारको निर्णयको विरोध गर्नेहरुलाई दुई वर्ष जेल सजाय तोकिएको छ।  थाइल्याण्ड, टर्की र बंगलादेशजस्ता कुनै बेला लोकतन्त्रको राम्रै अभ्यास गरेका मुलुकहरुमा अहिले राज्यले नागरिकलाई अकारण जेल हाल्नु, कडा सजायँ दिनु वा बेपत्ता पार्नु सामान्य भएका छन् भने सरकार आफैंले चाहिं राज्यका विभिन्न तहमा आफ्नो नियन्त्रण गुमाइरहेको छ र सशस्त्र अतिवादी वा आतंककारीहरुले त्यो खाली ठाउँ भरिरहेका छन् । नेपाललाई त्यस दिशामा जानबाट रोक्ने हाम्रो मौका यही हो । 

Saturday, September 17, 2016

दरवारले जन्माएको, बहुदलले हुर्काएको, लोकतन्त्रले पुल्पुल्याएको र गणतन्त्रले शीरमा राखेको गोमनको बिष न्यायपालिकाले उतार्ला?








Friday, September 16, 2016

लोकमान सिंह कार्की अख्तियारका वैध प्रमुख आयुक्त हुन् की हैनन्?



फाइल हराएको नियुक्तिपत्र छापिनुअघि उच्चस्तरीय राजनीतिक समितिले लोकमानसित गरेको गोप्य सौदावाजी यस्तै त थिएन?

मानिसको पदीय अवस्था वैध वा अवैध दुवै हुन सक्छ । संसारका धेरै देशमा कु गरेर जबर्जस्ती शासनमा बस्ने धेरै शासकहरु हुन्छन् जो देशमा कायम संविधान अनुसार अवैध भएर पनि शासन चलाउँछन् ।

प्राविधिक रुपमा वैध मानिएको अवस्था समेत आम नागरिकको नजरमा जायज वा नाजायज वैध हुन सक्छ । कु गरेर शासन हत्याउने धेरै सैन्य शासकहरुले त्यसपछि संविधान संशोधन वा परिवर्तन गरेर आफ्नो शासनलाई वैधता दिन्छन् । त्यस्तो वैधतालाई नाजायज भन्न सकिन्छ किनकि शासित नागरिकहरुको सहमति र स्वामित्व विना नै जबर्जस्ती त्यस्तो वैधता स्थापित गरिएको हुन्छ ।

त्यतिले नपुगेर सामाजिक र साँस्कृतिक रुपमा वैधता पाउन धार्मिक अतिवादलाई संस्थागत गर्ने र अनन्तकालीन अस्थिरता र द्वन्द्वको बीउ रोप्ने पाकिस्तानका जिया उल हकजस्ता शासकहरु पनि संसारमा आएका छन् ।


प्राविधिक रुपमा र सम्भवतः ‘वैध’ रुपमा पनि नेपालमा अख्तियार दुरुपयोग अनुसन्धान आयोगका प्रमुख आयुक्त लोकमान सिंह कार्की हुन् । उनी अदुअआ कार्यालय आउने जाने गर्छन्, त्यहाँ प्रमुखको कुर्सीमा बस्छन्, सोही अनुसारको भुमिका खेल्छन् र परिसरकै क्वाटरमा बस्छन् । उनले विरोधी वा अन्य शिकार गरिएक नागरिकहरुलाई यातना दिने र मानव अधिकारको हनन गर्ने हिरासत पनि त्यहीं छ । अदालतले थमाउन खोजेको तर उनले बुझ्न नखोजेको म्याद थमाउन सर्वोच्च अदालतका कर्मचारी टंगालस्थित अदुअआ भवनमै पुगेका थिए ।

Thursday, September 15, 2016

के लोकमानको नियुक्ति दैवी चमत्कार हुनाले उनको फाइल बनेकै थिएन–राज्यलाई नागरिकको प्रश्न


सरकारका दुई कार्यालयले आआफ्नै कारण देखाइ लोकमान सिंह कार्कीसम्बन्धी फाइलहरु सर्वोच्च अदालतलाई बुझाउन अस्वीकार गरेपछि नागरिकहरु राज्यलाई विभिन्न प्रश्नहरु सोधिरहेका छन् ।

तर राजनीतिज्ञहरुमध्ये सामाजिक सञ्जालमा नियमित आउनेहरुमध्ये पनि न कसैले कुनै प्रश्न सोधेका छन्, न त कुनै प्रश्नको जवाफ दिने चेस्टा नै गरेका छन् ।


Earlier:

Nepal's peacetime warriors: Where are the anti-corruption crusaders?



Why #HimalSouthasian's demise is our collective intellectual murder



राजनीतिज्ञहरुको निकम्मापनबाट आजित नागरिकहरुले सामाजिक सञ्जालमा पोखेको दुखेसोका केही नमुनाहरु यहाँ संग्रहित छन् ।

Photo source: Tweet by @kedarsh

Wednesday, September 14, 2016

लोकमानको फाइल हराएको कि हाम्रा नेताहरुको लगौंटी?


आफू पदस्थ संवैधानिक निकायको हैसियत नै निर्मम समानान्तर सरकारको जस्तो बनाएका अदुअआप्रमुख लोकमान सिंह कार्कीको सम्भावित बहिर्गमनका उपायहरुमध्ये न्यायालयले उनको नियुक्ति र योग्यता आदिका विषयमा गर्ने अनुसन्धान र फैसलालाई एक ठहर्याइँदै आएको थियो ।

सम्भवतः यही भयले लोकमानले न्यायालयसँग केटौले पाराका विवाद झिकेर उसलाई बदनाम बनाउने प्रयास गर्दै आएका छन् ।

न्यायालयले मान हानिको मुद्दामा बोलाउँदा एक महिनासम्म म्याद नबुझेर उनले आफू संविधानभन्दा माथिको व्यक्ति भएको सन्देश दिने प्रयाससमेत गरिसकेका छन् ।

यही पृष्ठभुमिमा कर्मचारी रहँदा उनको भुमिका, अदुअआमा उनको नियुक्ति र त्यसका लागि उनको योग्यतासंग सम्बन्धित फाइलहरु हराएको भनेर सरकारले सर्वोच्चलाई जवाफ दिएपछि त्यसले केही गम्भीर प्रश्नहरु जन्माएको छ ।

के ती फाइल हराएकै हुन्? वा सम्बन्धित कर्मचारीलाई ती फाइल नष्ट गरेर हराएको चिठी लेख्न निर्देशन दिइएको हो?

त्यस्तो निर्देशन दिएको भए त्यो स्वयं प्रम प्रचण्डले दिए कि अरु कसैले?

हराएकै हुन् भने बाँकी कुन कुन फाइल हराएका थिए?

फाइल हराएकै कारण कसैले न्यायालयको सामना गर्नु नपर्ने वा न्यायालयसामू कुनै दुष्कर्मका लागि जिम्मेवार हुनु नपर्ने हो भने भोलिदेखि नियमित फाइल हराउन थाले भने के हुन्छ?

भोलि अख्तियारले कुनै निकायबाट फाइल मगाउँदा दिन मन नलागेको फाइल भुकम्पले वा वर्षाले वा खडेरीले वा धमिराले वा अरु केहीले नष्ट गर्यो भनेर जवाफ पठाउन अनि कारवाहीबाट बच्न पाइन्छ कि पाइँदैन?

देशमा यति तमाशा हुँदा पनि र नागरिकहरु यति उत्तेजित र उद्विग्न हुँदा पनि किन राजनीतिक कित्ता चुप छ? किन उसको मुखमा ताला लागेको छ?

Friday, September 9, 2016

युद्धबाट पन्छिने ‘शान्तिकालीन’ योद्धाहरुका नाममा

देशमा सुशासनका लागि यत्रो अभियान चल्दा खै भ्रष्टाचारविरोधी अभियन्ताहरु?

डा केसी नेतृत्वको आन्दोलनको अर्को घना चरण लगत्तै शुरु हुँदैछ । त्यसमा यहाँहरुले अरु केही नभए पनि एउटा कुरा प्रष्ट पारिदिनोस्ः यो लडाइँमा तपाइँ कहाँ उभिनुहुन्छ, छातीमा हात राखेर सबैलाई भनिदिनोस् । दुई पक्षमध्ये कतै पनि हुनुहुन्न र कतै उभिनुपर्छ जस्तो यहाँलाई लाग्दैन भने त्यसै भनिदिनोस् । हाम्रो अभियान यहाँहरुलाई गलत लाग्छ भने गलत भनिदिनोस्, निरर्थक, वाहियात र अनावश्यक वा प्रत्युत्पादक लाग्छ नै भने पनि इमान्दारीपूर्वक त्यसै भनिदिनोस् । यो अभियान सम्भावना बोकेको तर खास कारणले सफल हुन नसकेको जस्तो लाग्छ भने तपाइँले देखेको सुधारको बाटो हामीलाई भनिदिनोस् । यो अभियानलाई निस्तेज पारेर लोकमान नेतृत्वको अदुअआलाई बलियो बनाउँदा भ्रष्टाचार नियन्त्रणमा बल पुग्छ जस्तो लाग्छ भने साहस जुटाउनोस, मुख छोप्नुस र त्यसै भन्नोस् र हामीले फैलाएको ‘अफवाह’ चिर्नेतिर लाग्नोस् ।

डा केसीद्वारा नयाँ सम्बन्धन नदिन स्मरण गराउँदै आइओएम डिनलाई चिठी (पूर्ण पाठ)

Nepal's peacetime warriors: Where are the anti-corruption crusaders?

To the anti-corruption crusaders still weighing their options from the sideline: Please come to public and say at least something. If you find this whole movement and the discourse irrelevant to the cause of good governance, please say that. Even if you think the movement is needless or counterproductive, say that; we are committed democrats and we won't pounce upon you like the other side. If you think our movement has a huge potential but has been unable to gain momentum because of some factor, point to it and we'll try our best to rectify it. If you think, a stronger CIAA under Karki is the only route to corruption-free Nepal, then accumulate strength, cover your face and say that; and join the cause to undo the damage done to the credibility of Karki by our movement. 

When Dr. Govinda KC declared his eighth hunger strike with demands including the impeachment of Lokman Singh Karki, the chief of anti-corruption watchdog in Nepal, there were voices for and against his planned protest.  A columnist commented like this: Lokman's appointment to the post was fallacious but his impeachment would set a bad precedent.

The implication being, now that a mistake has been committed while appointing Karki to the post, we should tolerate all his excesses irrespective of whether the country tops the list of most corrupt countries in the world, whether a brutal parallel government runs the show in the country or the environment of terror brings the development activities in the country to a halt.

It was a strange argument to make. As the constitution has clear provision to impeach anyone as delinquent as Karki, it is hard to justify his continued presence in the post especially after the barrage of evidences against him that were carried by the media last month. Among others, some grave evidences personally implicating Karki in serious wrongdoing have surfaced by now. They include his illicit control over the intelligence unit of Nepal Police, the impunity that the medical colleges owned by his relatives enjoy vis-a-vis the regulatory authorities, the black-marketing worth billions of rupees done with his blessing by the private medical colleges (including his own relatives'), the resulting rot in the quality of medical education, his shameful and illegal orders to transfer public land to individuals, his mediating role in an illegal transaction of shares between two parties and so on.

Tuesday, September 6, 2016

12 questions that the foreign envoys should ask CIAA chief

Some time ago it was reported that the CIAA was planning to brief the foreign envoys  about what it was feeling like briefing. There has been no news so far that the briefing has indeed taken place.

We yet do not know what it intends to brief. Neither do we know what issues the representatives of foreign embassies will try to explore in case it is held. We don't have a slightest idea as to whether such a briefing is compatible with diplomatic norms.

If the briefing is indeed to take place, hereby we have formulated a set of questions to be put forward to the CIAA officials by the representatives of the foreign envoys so that the doubt surrounding the CIAA's deeds will be clarified. 

1) You, Lokman Singh Karki, the chief commissioner at CIAA, seem to have taken a whole month to present yourself to the Supreme Court in a contempt of court case. That too seems to have taken place after some derogatory coverage in media about you 'absconding' the court. Why was it so? 

2) The Supreme Court has reportedly given multiple orders with same theme, that the CIAA should not venture outside its jurisdiction while pursuing cases of alleged corruption. Why is it so? Aren't you supposed to follow the first such order and not repeat the situation? You seem to have challenged the court's order as well as the rule of law in this issue. What sort of example are you setting for others as the chief of a constitutional watchdog?

3) After your aggressive approach against corruption, Nepal was supposed to move towards good governance. But why is the Nepal's Corruption Perception Index as measured by TI deteriorating relentlessly under your watch? The then CIAA led by a bureaucrat had successfully prosecuted people involved in huge corruption scandals including the Sudan Scam of Nepal Police that involved embezzlement of as much as 280 million rupees. You seem to have desisted from investigating mammoth corruption cases involving powerful people in the country. Is that by design? Also, success rate of the CIAA led by you, when it comes to successful prosecution at the court, seems dismal with over 90% people being acquitted by court. Is  that the result of mere incompetency or is there something more?

4) You have been widely alleged to have been imparting selective justice by targeting people who voiced against your appointment to the top job at CIAA. Weren't you supposed to silence them by showing diligence and impartiality in your action instead? Does it suit the chief of a constitutional watchdog to persecute individuals based on personal animosity?

5) Why did you resort to mental and even physical violence--mostly incarceration in CIAA's shabby cells--against the accused most of whom were later acquitted by the court? If you, the chief of the anti-corruption watchdog in the country, do not respect the human rights of citizens enshrined in the constitution, why would others in the country?
"It is alleged that you believe in swindling and plain thuggery and have an inborn contempt towards anything intellectual. They also bring many examples to argue that you have a vicious disdain for anything sophisticated and academic. They say your revulsion against intellectuals, and your paranoia towards and fear of free thinking and dissent was behind your ferocious assault on University Officials and other intellectuals most of whom were later cleared of charges by the court (cases of others are pending in the court but are expected to follow the same fate). They say this, particularly your shameless assault against dissent, is part of your grandiose project to revert Nepal to some form of authoritarianism. Your response?"

Monday, September 5, 2016

The wild flowers (Photo-essay)

A collection of shots that I've taken over the past month while hiking along the bushes. I cannot tell the names of most of them and invite the botanists to do so!



Thursday, September 1, 2016

मेडिकल शिक्षा कि अन्तर्देशीय माफिया गिरोह?


एउटा फुटकर ठगी

एक दशक अघिको कुरा हो । पहिलोपल्ट भारतको दिल्ली जाँदै थिएँ, साथमा गाउँले दाइ हुनुहुन्थ्यो । हामी भैरहवा पारी सुनौलीबाट उत्तर प्रदेश परिवहनको बस चढेका थियौं, बसभित्र रहँदा नेपालबाहिर पुगेको पत्तै हुँदैनथ्यो । झण्डै सबै यात्रु मजदुरीका लागि दिल्ली जाँदै गरेका नेपाली कामदार वा तिनका परिवार थिए । रातभरको यात्रापछि बिहान एउटा होटलमा बस रोकियो । खाना खानेहरु भित्र पसे भने हामी ठगिने डरले नेपालबाट लगिएको बिस्कुट खाँदै बाहिर टहलिंदै थियौं । कुनामा एउटा चिया स्टल देखियो । फटाफट व्यापार भइरहेको त्यो ठाउँमा गएर भाउ सोध्दा हामी छक्क पर्यौं, चिया एक रुपैयाँ प्रति गिलास, कफी दुई रुपैयाँ । पुषको महिना थियो क्यार, सुख्खा बिस्कुट भिजाउने लोभले हामीले ‘सस्तो’ कफी लिएर खान थाल्यौं ।

पैसा तिर्ने बेलाको संवाद जस्ताको तस्तैः
दाइः भाइसाब, ये रखिए दो कफीका चार रुपये ।
पसलेः चार नहीं दश ।
दाइः पहेले आप ने तो कहा था....
पसलेः अब बीस दे दो ।
दाइः लेकिन भाइसाब, हम तो खाली दो कप.....
पसलेः अब पचास दो ।

Thursday, August 25, 2016

Why #HimalSouthasian's demise is our collective intellectual murder

And why we should fight for its continued survival

I have had a rather emotional attachment with Himal Southasian magazine.

I used to write poetry and essays even during the school years but my dream of being published somewhere remained unfulfilled for many years after I left school. In 2008, my brother was already internet savvy and had discovered the virtue of blogging. He then advised me to do the same. He opened my gmail account, created a blogger blog and mailed me the email id and password. Bang! suddenly I was not only a writer but editor and publisher too. This enthusiasm didn't last for long because soon it turned into something of an online archive where I would keep piling the material but no one would come from outside my circle and read my works.

Suddenly able to read Indian magazines like Frontline and Outlook, a new horizon had opened for me after I joined a medical school near the Indian border in Bhairahawa. Those were my real formative years when I grabbed anything other than textbooks and sat to read for hours at end on days other than pre-examination and examination time.

Himal Southasian was one among the magazines subscribed by the college. One day, I was so riveted by a story that I wrote a brief response and mailed it to the editors. On a subsequent issue, it was published and my joy was boundless. For a person with the blog readership of less than half a dozen, the name being PRINTED and circulated all over South Asia and even outside, it was a moment of euphoria. Reading again and again the slightly edited version of my response, I came to a discovery: my writings, even though brief, made sense to others. That discovery stretched to something more: I can write workable English, and when I imagined myself as a writer, I was not deluding myself completely.

That was followed by two or three similar letters to editor and the thrill of seeing my name in an accomplished paper never came down. Three of those letters can be read here.

So Himal Southasian was the first ever work of print to have faith on my writing. With that confidence at hand, I started writing and sending to other online and print magazines and newspapers. The second to have faith in me was Asia Times Online (AToL) which unbelievably published my combo review of Avatar and Three Idiots, my first ever full-length article to be published anywhere. Sadly, I could not retrieve that piece later because AToL has long suspended its subscribed version (atimes.net) which had a section called 'Speaking Freely' that entertained guest authors.

Without the confidence imparted by HSA, I doubt I would have ever dared to pitch for an international publication like Asia Times. The next breaks in other outlets like Foreign Policy Journal (FPJ) and The Hampton Institute were all the results of my confidence, and of course the writing acumen, that kept on building from HSA and AToL. When a Spanish reporter based on Delhi contacted me after reading my article about slavery and poverty in India in FPJ, he took a detailed email interview with me on the issue. That was later published by US-based outlet The Hampton Institute. The Spanish reporter would later contact me to ask my opinion on botched polls in Bangladesh. (His report in Spanish Newspaper El Mundo, which quotes only me as 'our political analyst' can be read here). I was also surprised to find one day that one of my FPJ pieces about the fall of secularist forces in South Asia was translated to Turkish and published by a reputed outlet named 'The World Bulletin'. 

Thus, even before getting a 'letter to editor' published in a Nepali newspaper, I had something to show in international media in English. For a boy who started his English at fourth grade and passed SLC from a remote government school (which had a nil result the following year with everyone down in English subject), that was rather unusual. If HSA had not helped me discover my writing ability then and started the chain of events, I doubt the events would have turned precisely on the order they did. 

.....

Sunday, August 21, 2016

कार्यक्रम बालुवाटारमा, हलचल टंगालमा

कार्यक्रम बालुवाटारमा, हलचल टंगालमा

जब सुरेन्द्र चौधरीको एउटा भाषणले सडकबाटै लोकमानको बहिर्गमनको पूर्व–प्रक्रिया शुरु गर्यो


२ महिना अघिको कुरा । अख्तियार प्रमुख लोकमान सिंह कार्कीविरुद्ध चुँ गर्ने मानिसहरुको संख्या सानो थियो । कारण प्रस्टै थियोः जसले त्यस्तो दुस्साहस गरेका थिए, तिनले असीम मानसिक वा मानसिक र भौतिक दुवै यातना खाएका थिए । राज्यका विभिन्न अंगहरुको कोपभाजनमा परेका तीमध्ये धेरैले न्यायालयबाट अन्ततः न्याय पाएका थिए र धेरै मुद्दाहरुमा एकनासले सर्वोच्च अदालतले कार्यक्षेत्र ननाघ्न अदुअआलाई आदेश दिएको थियो ।

तर मान्नेलाई न लाग्छ आदेश । सर्वोच्च न्यायालायको आदेश समेत नमानेपछि कसैको केही लाग्दोरहेनछ भन्ने पटक पटक देखियो । अदुअआको कोपभाजनमा पर्नेहरुमध्ये धेरैले अदालती आदेश आउनुअगावै चर्को मानसिक प्रताडना भोगिसकेका थिए । जसलाई अनुसन्धानका लागि भनेर ब्यारेकजस्तो अदुअआ परिसरभित्र थुनियो, तिनलाई मुबारकको इजिप्ट र किम जोङ उनको उत्तर कोरियाको समेत याद आयो ।

तीमध्ये सबै जसो अदालतबाट सफाइ पाएर मुक्त भइसकेपछि पनि उन्मुक्त भएनन् । त्यत्रो विधि अन्याय खपेर पनि त्यो अनुभव सार्वजनिक गरेनन् । अख्तियारले पक्रनुलाई अपराध पुष्टि हुनु झैं गरेर मुखपृष्ठमा कभरेज गर्ने मिडियाले उनीहरु निर्दोष सावित हुँदा किन भित्री पृस्ठमा १ कोलम र ५० शब्दको समाचार मात्र लेखे भनेर प्रश्न उठाएनन् ।

कारणः उनीहरुको भोगाइ र सिकाइ । आफैंलाई परेपछि उनीहरुले एउटा कुरा सकेः यो देशमा जो फस्यो, फस्यो । दोषी वा निर्दोष भन्ने तपशीलको कुरा । फेरि पनि परिआयो भने कोही लडिदिनेवाला छैन, त्यसैले चुप लाग्दा राम्रो भन्ने उनीहरुको निक्र्योल रह्यो । खास गरी विभिन्न विश्वविद्यालयका उच्च पदाधिकारीहरुको लाचारी र मौनता त यस्तो छ कि प्राज्ञिक तप्काको यस्तो बेहाल धेरै अधिनायकवादी देशहरुमा समेत हुँदैन ।

ती प्राध्यापकहरुको अवस्थाले मलाई संकटकालमा पक्रेर चर्को यातनापछि छाडिएका एक क्रान्तिकारी कविको याद आयो । महिनौंको नरकवासपछि उनी मुक्त गरिएका त थिए तर उनको बाँच्न पाउने अधिकार सम्झेर उनलाई मुक्त गरिएको थिएन । शासन व्यवस्थालाई चुनौती दिने हो भने कसैको हालत कृष्ण सेन इच्छुकको जस्तो बनाइन्छ भने कसैको यस्तो पनि गरिन्छ भनेर सबैलाई पाठ पढाउन उनलाई छाडिएको थियो । ती कविलाई भेट्नै मौका त मिलेन तर उनी निस्केलगत्तै एक सहकर्मी साहित्यकारले लेखेको उनीबारेको अत्यासलाग्दो बयान मैले पढ्न पाएको थिएँ । उनका शब्दमा कविलाई छाडिएको त थियो तर उनको थिल्थिलो शरीर र शुष्क मानसिकतासँगै उनका शब्द खोसिएको थियो ।

देश लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र बनेर नयाँ संविधान लागू भइसकेपछि, त्यो पनि एउटा संवैधानिक निकायको प्रमुखको व्यवहार र महत्वाकांक्षाका कारण भयानक सशस्त्र युद्धका बेला कायम संकटकालका अनुभवहरु सम्झन पर्नु एउटा ठूलो विडम्बना थियो ।

....

यो शनिवार बालुवाटारमा सोलिडारिटी फर डा केसी एलायन्सको तर्फबाट धर्ना र प्रदर्शन भयो । कार्यक्रमको नारा थियोः 'डा केसीसँगै उभिऔं' ।

कार्यक्रमको उपस्थिति सोचेभन्दा कम थियो तर त्यसको रौनक सोचेभन्दा निकै बढी । कार्यक्रम अगाडि नेपालका सबै सांसदहरुलाई हामीले एसएमएसमार्फत सडकको कार्यक्रममा बोलाएका थियौं । तीमध्ये एक सांसदले कलब्याक गरेर म आउँछु भने, र आए ।

Wednesday, August 17, 2016

प्रचण्डजी, लोकमानसित डराएर लोकतन्त्रलाई बलि नचढाउनोस् - डा केसी (विज्ञप्तिको पूर्णपाठ)

 यही भदौ ४ गते शनिवार बालुवाटारमा आयोजित डा केसीसित उभिऔं कार्यक्रममा डा केसीका तर्फबाट सबैलाई निम्तो




Friday, August 12, 2016

अख्तियारको रवैया र संसदको भुमिकाबारे देशव्यापी बहस हुँदै, ३० गते चितवनमा





सोलिडारिटी फर डा केसी सञ्जालको आयोजनामा ‘अदुअआ, संसद र सुशासन’ शीर्षक अन्तक्रिर्याको तेस्रो श्रृंखला चितवनमा हुने भएको छ ।

यस अघि दुई श्रृंखला काठमाडौंमा भएका थिए ।

त्यसमध्ये पहिलोमा १२ जना सांसदलगायत राजनीतिक दलका नेताहरु र नागरिक समाजका प्रतिनिधिहरु उपस्थित थिए ।

त्यसमा उपस्थित सांसदहरुः गगन थापा, श्याम श्रेष्ठ, धनराज गुरुङ, रामहरि खतिवडा, अमन लाल मोदी, अकबाल अहमद शाह, भीमसेन दास प्रधान, मीना पुन, आशा कोइराला, डी आर पौडेल, प्रकाश पौडेल, रवीन्द्र अधिकारी ।

त्यस्तै राजनीतिक दलका तर्फबाट प्रदीप ज्ञवाली, घनश्याम भुसाल, ठाकुर गैरे र रञ्जु दर्शना थिए भने नागरिक समाजका तर्फबाट खगेन्द्र संग्रौला र प्रत्युष वन्त तथा पत्रकार हरि बहादुर थापा थिए ।

दोस्रो श्रृंखलामा सांसदहरु गगन थापा र अमनलाल मोदी उपस्थित थिए भने नागरिक समाजका तर्फबाट नारायण ढकाल, डा सरोज धिताल, कपिल श्रेष्ठ, डा केदार नरसिंह केसी, ज्योति वानियाँ, ओम प्रकाश अर्याल, सुबोध प्याकुरेल, चरण प्रसाइँ, ऋचा थापा, अन्जना बिशंखे लगायतको उपस्थिति थियो ।

साथै संस्थागत रुपमा विवेकशील नेपाली दल, सुशासन महा अभियान नेपाल, एमआरआर (मेन्स रुम रिलोडेड), नेपाल प्राध्यापक संघ, हामी नेपाली, फ्रिल्यान्स युथ मुभ्मेन्ट लगायतका संस्थाहरुका प्रतिनिधिहरुको संलग्नता थियो । कार्यक्रम अधिवक्ता ओम प्रकाश अर्यालले अदुअआमा लोकमान सिंह कार्कीको विवादस्पद नियुक्ति लगायतका विषयमा चर्चा गरेर शुरु भएको थियो ।

यो बहस राजधानीबाहिर पुर्याउने क्रममा साउन ३० गते आइतवार चितवनको नारायणगढमा हुने कार्यक्रममा जिल्लाका सबैजसो दलका प्रतिनिधिहरुलाई निम्त्याइएको छ भने विभिन्न पेशागत संगठनका प्रतिनिधिहरु र नागरिक समाजका प्रतिनिधिहरु पनि उपस्थित रहनेछन् । कार्यक्रमको शुरुमा सञ्जालका तर्फबाट विषय प्रवेश गराइनेछ भने त्यसपछि अन्तक्रियाको चरण शुरु हुनेछ ।

यो अन्तक्रिया कार्यक्रमका थप श्रृंखलाहरु पोखरा लगायत अन्य शहरहरुमा पनि गर्दै जाने कार्यक्रम रहेको छ । 

विजय कुमारको खुशी पढेपछि

जीवन, खुशी अहंकार

जीवनमा अफ्ठ्यारा घुम्तीहरुमा हिंडिरहँदा मैले कुनै क्षणमा पलायनलाई एउटा विकल्पको रुपमा कल्पना गरेको थिएँ, त्यसलाई यथार्थमा बदल्ने आँट गरिनँ, त्यो बेग्लै कुरा हो त्यसबेला लाग्थ्योः मेरा समग्र दुखहरुको कारण मेरो वरपरको वातावरण हो, यसबाट साहसपूर्वक बाहिरिएँ भने नयाँ दुख आउलान् तर तत्क्षणका दुरुह दुखहरु गायब भएर जानेछन् कति गलत थिएँ !


Read more from Dashain Issue

Debating partition of India: culpability and consequences




Read the whole story here

Why I write...

I do not know why I often tend to view people rather grimly: they usually are not as benevolent, well-intentioned and capable or strong as they appear to be. This assumption is founded on my own self-assessment, though I don’t have a clue as to whether it is justifiable to generalize an observation made in one individual. This being the fact, my views of writers as ‘capable’ people are not that encouraging: I tend to see them as people who intend to create really great and world-changing writings but most of the times end up producing parochial pieces. Also, given the fact that the society where we grow and learn is full of dishonesty, treachery, deceit and above else, mundanity, it is rather unrealistic to expect an entirely reinvigorating work of writing from every other person who scribbles words in paper.


On life's challenges

Somebody has said: “I was born intelligent but education ruined me”. I was born a mere child, as everyone is, and grew up as an ordinary teenager eventually landing up in youth and then adulthood. The extent to which formal education helped me to learn about the world may be debatable but it definitely did not ruin me. There were, however, things that nearly ruined me. There came moments when I contemplated some difficult choices. And there came and passed periods when I underwent through an apparently everlasting spell of agony. There came bends in life from which it was very tempting to move straight ahead instead of following the zigzag course.


Read more